Showing posts with label education. Show all posts
Showing posts with label education. Show all posts

Friday, May 29, 2015

The Salem Witch Hunt: The Case of Tituba by Tajae Pryce


New England in the 17th century was a society contrived of Puritan settlers who incorporated their belief systems into the social structures in which they upheld. Church leaders and political figures were essentially one in the same and cases of blasphemy, or any other act seen as going against the Puritan faith, were seen in the same legal light as instances of civic misconduct. These settlers generally believed that the world around them was a spiritual place and that the Christian God played a direct role in all matters of fate and circumstance through predetermined providence. In such a society, moments of crisis such as 1692’s Salem Village’s witch-hunt held much complication and encompassed all levels of life. Closely analyzing the details behind some of the accusations of witchcraft, such as the evidence presented against certain individuals is necessary for historical analysis of the culture and mentality of the New England colonists at this time period. In the case of one of the first individuals to be accused of witchcraft, Tituba, one can evaluate records of court proceedings and accusations to find out more about how the colonists viewed outsiders, both from their ethnicity and their society, as well as the extent to which this society was willing to seriously credit supernatural possession as the cause for the afflictions.
Tituba was a slave of Salem’s minister, Samuel Parris, whom had been purchased in Barbados.[1] She could be described as Indian or African; however, records of slaves and their race were often relegated to arbitrary distinctions based on skin color or physical appearance. It is to be noted that Puritans did believe that Indians inherently worshipped the Devil, therefore, it can be rightfully assumed that anyone a darker race than the settlers were looked at with suspicion and caution. The villagers also had prior attribution to Tituba and dark magic as stories of her knowledge of witchcraft and the occult from her past were widely known.[2] Suspicions of direct Tituba’s involvement in the Salem crisis came to light after the affliction of Samuel Parris’ daughter and niece. After succumbing to drastic changes in their temperament and exhibiting signs of what the colonists referred to as “fits”, the young girls were determined to be bewitched, both by Salem’s residents and the villages’ presiding physician.[3] The girls exhibited wounds on their bodies believed done by agents separate from their own selves, and evidence of witchcraft was thoroughly sought. Tituba was named as the inflictor of the evil deeds by the young girls and was examined and questioned by the presiding councils. Tituba admitted to being learned on the art of the detection of witchcraft due to her being taught by her mistress in Barbados.[4] While being interrogated, she would eventually confess that she was indeed bewitched and had allied with the Devil to carry out his work and went into detail about how others and herself went about with the molestation of the innocent and their convenience with Satan.[5] Her testimonies, however, varied over the course of her interrogations. There were instances where Tituba denied all claims of witchcraft and instances where she provided specific details on her meetings with the Devil, the convent made between them, and the names of her accomplices. Her confession played a major role on the credibility and necessity of both the accusatory trials and concurrent witch hunts as her admittance provided evidence of the existence of witchcraft in the community and prove that others were indeed hiding their true selves. According to neighboring minister John Hale, Tituba’s confessions were held as credible due to the consistency of her answers given during her multiple interrogations, her repentant nature during her trial, and because her confessions aligned with the accusations stated by her afflicted victims. Her interrogations and subsequent confessions were regarded as a success by the council as more suspects were brought to light and details of what the allegiance with the Devil actually entailed emerged.[6]
            The format in which the trials and interrogations were performed can be seen as fundamentally flawed. Magistrates presiding over the trials had no formal legal training, nor were they secular or partisan in nature. Officials did prepare by researching legal and medical surveys on the topic of witchcraft and dark magic, but theological principles were the most important source of information to be taken into account in Puritan Salem. Spectral evidence was assessed in virtually all trials and the existence of witchcraft itself was implicit.[7]  The accused were beaten and fervently interrogated once taken in and execution was an inevitable fate to those who were convicted of the crime or for lying about their involvement. Confession with the provision of accomplices’ would oftentimes lead to lesser punitive sentences and spare one from brutal execution, as was the case with Tituba.[8]
 The Puritan view on women also played a role in terms of bias during the witch-hunt. Through the Puritan interpretation of the Bible, women were viewed as spiritually weaker than men.[9] Most of the accused were women and few mentions of men being the cause for the afflictions are given in the sources; only as victims. In Tituba’s case, she was at an even greater disadvantage and her accusation was perhaps expected seeing that she was not only a woman, but also a different ethnicity. “Indians”, as Tituba was described, were cast as devil worshipping barbarians who, although had the capability to be converted, were still associated with evil. Stereotypes assumed by the colonists of Tituba’s ethnicity and her known involvement in magic affairs, such as her witch-detecting urine cake,[10] made her not only a prime suspect, but also a suspect who was seen as a way of exposing other witches.
The mentality the settlers had regarding Indians and the certainty of Tituba’s involvement even before her admittance shows that they more than likely saw Indians as an enemy to the integrity of Puritan and New England society.[11] The war-like mentality by ministers such as Deodat Lawson and others exhibits a need for the elimination of all things evil and destructive to the church. Lawson’s rhetoric of “devils” penetrating the church was also used in regards to Indians attacking the lands of the settlers. These attacks were viewed as being assaulted by the Devil himself.[12] Putting Tituba on the forefront of the witch-hunt and as the primary conspirator with Satan himself, could have potentially allowed lawmakers, who are also church leaders, to systematically impose policies that would make it more difficult for the integration of both Indians and people of African decent into Puritan society. Assimilation of these people could now be seen as a threat to the threads of religious piety, which were fundamentally woven into New England communities. Also serving as a threat to traditional Puritan society was the diversity of values and moralities. As new generations of settlers emerged as constructive members of society and older generations phased out, new focus on economic advancement and new ideas would diminish the importance of religious values of the community. Such was seen as a decline in morality and as work by the Devil.[13]
Tituba’s circumstance of being an Indian slave woman simply claiming to know about witchcraft in 17th century New England all but guaranteed suspicions of her being part of the cause for the afflictions in Salem if not the main instigator. Her confessions, however, brought forth by fear or torture, were essential in providing justification for conducting more witch trials and certainly expanded the longevity of not only the trials, but also the paranoia associated with witchcraft. Tituba’s confessions confirmed the theories of the believers and probably changed the minds of some skeptics showing that the afflictions in Salem were not matters of circumstance but truly signs of the Devil infiltrating their society. It must also be questioned, what options did Tituba have once put on trial? She had no true social standing in the community and had no supporter system to back her up had she remained in denial of the allegations. She was made aware that her confessions could spare her life; compromising the credibility of anyone’s confessions given such propositions. Tituba’s cultural background also plays a part in why she confessed. Perhaps she truly did believe that evil spirits were at work in Salem. There is no indication that she was religiously assimilated into Puritan life. In fact, she admitted to practicing magic and adhering to her cultural routes and traditions.[14] With no real inclination to adhere to Salem’s society, Tituba’s disconnect from the social system led to her giving some of the most paranormal confessions of all the accused; confessions that would later be deemed not worthy of execution with Tituba’s ultimate fate left unknown to history. Tituba’s role was to both prove the existence of witchcraft and to show the power of Christian redemption and hope for the upholding of Puritan ideologies for years to come.







Works Cited

Godbeer, Richard. The Salem Witch Hunt: A Brief History with Documents. Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martins, 2011.



[1] Godbeer, Richard. The Salem Witch Hunt: A Brief History with Documents. (Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martins, 2011)., 81.
[2] Godbeer, 82
[3] Ibid., 51
[4] Ibid., 52
[5] Ibid., 82
[6] Godbeer, 53
[7] Godbeer, 26
[8] Ibid., 53
[9] Ibid., 11
[10] Godbeer, 52
[11] Ibid., 17
[12] Ibid., 19
[13] Ibid., 19
[14] Godbeer, 52

Thursday, April 16, 2015

Phillis Wheatley, “To the University of Cambridge, In New England”: A Close Reading by Tajae Pryce




Phillis Wheatley’s poem, “To the University of Cambridge, in New England”, addresses an affluent class of 18th century Harvard students on the topics of mercy, salvation and hope for the impending and distant future. Wheatley makes great use of Christian ideologies and incorporates superficial tones of uncompromised humility in order to successfully relate to her audience on a culturally rational level in order to maintain a cohesive level of consideration of her thoughts. Despite the obvious discernible differences between Wheatley and her audience ethnically, her style of delivery and choice of metaphors allow for the effectiveness of the conveyance of her central themes.  The author makes a point in the poem to strategically convey humble nature by attributing her African origins to an unfortunate, dark incident that she was luckily saved from through the mercy of a Christian god and His devotees. Wheatley further incorporates strategic implementations of religious themes throughout the text in order to advocate her audiences to unceasingly purse the betterment of themselves and continuing to willingly attain knowledge.
Wheatley refers to her homeland as “The land of errors, and Egyptian gloom” (“Cambridge” 4). Her use of ‘Egyptian’ as an attribute plays to the Christian teachings in the Holy Bible wherein Egypt is described a region of historical disparity and persecution. More importantly, in Christianity, Egypt was the land where God’s chosen people, the Hebrews, were held in captivity and went through great turmoil before eventual, merciful liberation. Wheatley was reciting this poem to a nation where Christianity is mainstream as well as slavery and forced labor. A deeper reading of this line and the reference to Egypt perhaps begins Wheatley’s veiled theme of Christian hypocrisy. The following nine lines of the stanza further embellishes on Christian ideology and iconography. She emphasizes a message of vast godly mercy available to those who seek forgiveness due to the compassion that Jesus holds for His followers and the sacrifice He made dying on the cross for their salvation.  “See him with hands out-stretched upon the cross;/ Immense compassion in his bosom glows;/ He hears revilers, nor resents their scorn:/ What matchless mercy in the Son of God! (“Cambridge” 13-16).  This theme of merciful liberation is intriguingly juxtaposed with the decree of  “Father of mercy, ‘twas thy gracious hand/ Brought me in safety from those dark abodes” (4-5). Here, the author aligns her own liberation from Africa to America as evidence of Christian mercy still at work. This gracious liberation narrative was a historically uncommon one for an African immigrant to America to give and more than likely was not expected by the audience no matter what level of acculturation to the Western world Phillis Wheatley would have had. Africans, for the most part, were forcibly removed from their homelands and transported in the unsanitary, uncomfortable hulls of cramped slave ships where many could not survive the voyage. Wheatley may have been very young at the time of her purchase and subsequent transport, but was she still conscientiously aware of the harsh conditions on the ships and the dehumanization of Africans to the status of expendable commodities. These horrible realities, however, according to this poem, have not deterred Phillis’ faith and thankfulness to the Christian God. Her story and undying faith serves as a testament to the pious obedience to Jesus that she is trying to instill in these men of Cambridge as well as the rest of the American middling and upper classes.
Another strong theme that Wheatley emphasizes in “Cambridge” is the importance of one’s ability to shun sin. In the last lines of the poem, she explains that the joys that may come with sinning will only result in condemnation to an eternity of pain; “Its transient sweetness turns to endless pain, / And in immense perdition sinks the soul” (“Cambridge” 29-30).  Wheatley being cast in the unfortunate position of an ‘Ethiop’, as she describes, once again uses herself as proof of someone who can be reformed to live a righteous life. In other words, if she, an African, can be reformed, her much more privileged audience of white, American elite should be able do so even easier. Wheatley further makes references to these inherent privileges afforded to her audience by encouraging them to not only improve upon these opportunities of great godsend, but to expound upon them on their quests to intellectually and socially develop themselves into men of unlimited reverence;  “Improve your privileges while they stay, / Ye pupils, and each hour redeem, that bears/ Or good or bad report of you to heav’n” (“Cambridge” 21-23). Wheatley’s allusion to “dark abodes” (6) is another strong play on the Christian benchmark elements of darkness attributed to malevolency and lightness to piety.  
The manner in which Phillis Wheatley delivers this poem is not meant to portray an accommodative submission to a socially stratified Western culture, nor does is brazenly bring to light the faults of such a society. However, she creates a platform for constructive conversation on important issues in society such as the morality of forced labor institutions, racism, and other forms of oppressive systems and policies. Wheatley, through her writing style and use of religious allusions, is in a way offering a ‘what would Jesus do’ approach into the colonies’ narrative when contemplating socio-political policies and analyses. Wheatley’s conscious awareness of the need for her to convey a humble tone is critical. She was widely regarded as a prodigy of her time from the days of her youth. She was well educated in the arts and sciences and was encouraged to learn develop her various talents; but, she was present during the 18th century and no level of social admiration or fascination could take away the reality that she was not only a black slave, but a women as well. Wheatley still faced the prejudices attributed with her ethnicity as well as overly misogynistic attitudes that had been aligned with females for centuries. Her “Cambridge” address was delivered to a generally wealthy white male demographic; brash social criticisms and exposure of immoral contradictions in such a setting could have potentially jeopardized not only her reputation but also her well being. Instead, the author, a best as she can, levels herself with her audience on one of the most intimate human levels acquirable, common spiritual faith. It is through this style of illustration that someone with as many perceived social inadequacies as Phillis Wheatley faced was able to create a substantial avenue for other women, especially of color, to see literature as a viable option for the expression of their ideas and creativity.
                                         Works Cited

The Bedford Anthology of American Literature, Volume One: Beginnings to 1865. Second ed. Vol. One. Boston, New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2013. 602, 603. Print.